In “Aesthetics as Politics,” Ranciere, like other authors we
have read before, concentrates on the distinction between “aesthetics of
politcs” and “politics of aesthetics.” Ranciere’s most interesting point, to
me, however, is his discussion on the nature of politics alone apart from
aesthetics. Ranciere says that politics “it not the exercise of, or struggle
for, power. It is the configuration of a specific space, the framing of a
particular sphere of experience, of objects posited as common and as pertaining
to a common decision, of subjects recognized as capable of designating these
objects and putting forward arguments about them.” While this may be true for
certain democratic societies where the people do have a choice about who is governing
and it is not necessarily a struggle for power amongst politicians (but rather
a struggle for votes and alliance among other politicians), I think that
politics, in any sort of despotic or totalitarian regime is all about power.
The Nazis for example, were a political society based entirely on the
hierarchal organization of the power, and had to be completely subservient to a
higher power. While the Nazis did partake in the other political activities
(partitioning of resources, configuration of space, etc), it certainly was a
political existence based on power.
Ignoring
these rare types of societies, though, Ranciere brings up interesting aspects
on the aesthetics of politics vs. politics of aesthetics dynamic. For Ranciere,
the question is not whether art and politics are separate entities, but rather,
“to know whether or not they ought to
be set in relation.” Both of “forms of distribution of the sensible, both of
which are dependent on a specific regime of identification.” Ranciere further
says that “art and politics are thereby linked, beneath themselves, as forms of
presence of singular bodies in a specific space and time.” I do not think there
is a way in which this could be more accurate. Whether it be political satire,
subtle messages throughout media and campaigning, or ordinary discourse
throughout life and interaction in society as a whole, it is impossible to
separate art and politics into two separate entities, since in the way the
modern world and society is constructed, the two are permanently and
inexplicably linked. It is impossible to escape the effect of one on the other,
whether it be politicizing aesthetics or aestheticizing politics. Both exist,
and affect the average viewer differently, depending on the situation, and “play”
is the property of art and the individual that allows this differential
interaction to occur.
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